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India
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Jaswant Singh

Foreign Minister, India 1998-2002
Defence Minister, India 2001
Finance Minister, India 1996, 2002-04

     
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Indonesia
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Marzuki Darusman

Attorney General, Indonesia 1999 to 2001

     
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Jamaica
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P.J.Patterson

Prime Minister, Jamaica 1992-2006

     
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Jordan
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His Royal Highness Prince El Hassan bin Talal

Crown Prince of Jordan 1965 - 99

     
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Latvia
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Vaira Vike-Freiberga

President of Latvia, 1999 – 2007

     
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Mauritius
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Cassam Uteem

President, Mauritius 1992-2002

     
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Mexico
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Vicente Fox

President, Mexico, 2000-06

     
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New Zealand
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Mike Moore

Prime Minister of New Zealand 1990
Director General of the World Trade Organisation 1999-2002

     
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Peru
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Alvaro de Soto

UN Under-Secretary-General 1999-2007

     
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Philipines
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Fidel Ramos

President, Republic of the Philippines 1992-98

     
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Senegal
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Moustapha Niasse

Prime Minister of Senegal 1983 & 2000-01

     
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Rwanda
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Donald Kaberuka

Finance Minister, Rwanda, 1997-2005
President, African Development Bank 2005-2015

     
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South Africa
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F.W. de Klerk

President, Republic of South Africa 1989-94

     
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Spain
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Javier Solana

Secretary General, Council of the European Union 1999-2009
Secretary General, NATO 1995-1999
Foreign Minister, Spain 1992-1995

     
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Sri Lanka
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Chandrika Kumaratunga

President, Sri Lanka 1994-2005

     
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Malta
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Lawrence Gonzi

Prime Minister, Malta 2004-13
Minister of Finance, 2004-08
Minister of Social Policy, 1998-2004

     
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Algeria
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Lakhdar Brahimi

Foreign Minister, Algeria 1991-93
UN Special Adviser to the Secretary-General 2004-05

     
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Armenia
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Armen Sarkissian

Prime Minister, Armenia 1996-97

     
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Australia
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Kevin Rudd

Prime Minister of Australia, 2007-2010 and 2013
Foreign Minister,  2010-2012

Gareth Evans

Foreign Minister, Australia 1988-96
President and CEO of the International Crisis Group 2000-09

   
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Austria
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Wolfgang Schüssel

Austria, Federal Chancellor 2000 – 2007
Foreign Minister 1995 - 2000

     
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Botswana
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Sir Ketumile Masire

President, Republic of Botswana 1980-1998

     
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Canada
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Joe Clark

Prime Minister, Canada 1979-80
Secretary of State for External Affairs 1984-1991

Louise Fréchette

UN Deputy Secretary-General, 1998 – 2006

   
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Lebanon
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Ghassan Salamé

UN Special Advisor to Secretary-General, 2003-06
Lebanese Minister of Culture, 2000-03

     
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Sweden
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Carl Bildt

Prime Minister, Sweden 1991-94
Foreign Minister 2006-14
UN Special Envoy to the Balkans 1999-2001

     
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Switzerland
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Micheline Calmy-Rey

President of the Swiss Confederation 2007 and 2011

Pascal Couchepin

President, Swiss Confederation 2003 & 2008

Kaspar Villiger

President, Swiss Confederation 1995 & 2002

 
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Tanzania
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Salim Salim

Prime Minister of Tanzania, 1984 – 1985
Secretary-General of the OAU, 1989 – 2001

     
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Timor-Leste
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José Ramos-Horta

President, Timor-Leste 2007-12

Prime Minister 2006-07

     
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Turkey
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Hikmet Çetin

Deputy Prime Minister, Turkey, 1978-79 and 1995
Foreign Minister, 1991-94

     
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USA
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Chester A. Crocker

US Assistant Secretary for African Affairs 1981-89

Tom Daschle

US Senator 1987-2005
Member of the US House of Representatives 1979-1987
Majority Leader of the US Senate

Donald F. McHenry

US Ambassador to the UN 1979-81

Thomas R. Pickering

US Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs 1997-2000
US Ambassador to the UN 1989-92

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United Kingdom
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Catherine Ashton

Catherine Ashton

High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy 2009-14
Vice President of the European Commission 2009-14

Lynda Chalker

Minister of Overseas Development, UK 1989-97

   
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Uruguay
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Enrique Iglesias

Foreign Minister, Uruguay, 1985-1988
President of the Inter-American Development Bank 1988-2005

     
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Chile
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Juan Gabriel Valdés

Minister for Foreign Affairs, Chile, 1999
Chilean Ambassador to the UN, 2000-03

     
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Côte d'Ivoire
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Amara Essy

Foreign Minister, Côte d'Ivoire 1990-2000
Secretary General, OAU 2001
Chairman, AU Commission 2002-3

     
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Egypt
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Mohamed ElBaradei

Director General,  International Atomic Energy Agency 1997-2009
Interim Vice President, Egypt 2013

     
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Finland
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Elisabeth Rehn

UN Under-Secretary-General, SRSG in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1998-99
UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights 1995-97
Finnish Minister of Defence 1990-95 and Equality Affairs 1991-95

     
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Guatemala
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Eduardo Stein

Vice President, Guatemala, 2004-08
Foreign Minister 1996-2000

     
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Preparing Asia for Trump


By GARETH EVANS


Published:  Project Syndicate, 12 November 2016


CANBERRA – Whether or not US President-elect Donald Trump behaves better once in office than he did on the campaign trail, America’s global authority has already taken a battering, not least among its allies and partners in Asia.

Exercising soft power – leading by democratic and moral example – will not be easy for Trump, given the disdain he showed for truth, rational argument, basic human decency, and racial, religious, and gender differences, not to mention the fact that he was not actually elected by a majority of voters. And when it comes to exercising harder power – doing what it takes to counter serious challenges to peace and security – there will be little confidence in Trump’s judgment, given that almost every statement he made during his campaign was either wildly contradictory or downright alarming.

Maintaining security, stability, and prosperity in Asia requires a cooperative environment, in which countries secure their national interests through partnerships – not rivalries – and trade freely with one another. The only grounds for confidence on this front after Trump’s victory is that he may actually do none of the things he said he would, such as starting a trade war with China, walking away from alliance commitments, and supporting Japan and South Korea going nuclear.

With little or no hard knowledge of international affairs, Trump is relying on instincts that are all over the map. He combines “America first” isolationist rhetoric with muscular talk of “making America great again.” Staking out impossibly extreme positions that you can readily abandon may work in negotiating property deals; but it is not a sound basis for conducting foreign policy.

Trump’s dangerous instincts may be bridled if he is capable of assembling an experienced and sophisticated team of foreign-policy advisers. But this remains to be seen, and the US Constitution grants him extraordinary personal power as Commander-in-Chief, if he chooses to exercise it.

US leadership in Asia is a double-edged sword. Noisy assertions of continued primacy are counterproductive. China’s legitimate demand to be accepted as a joint rule-maker, not just a rule-follower, has to be recognized. But when China overreaches, as it has done with its territorial assertions in the South China Sea, there does need to be pushback. On that front, a quiet but firm US role remains necessary and welcome.

Shortly after former President Bill Clinton left office, I heard him say privately (though never publicly) that the US could choose to use its “great and unrivaled economic and military power to try to stay top dog on the global block in perpetuity.” A better choice, however, would be “to try to create a world in which we will be comfortable living, when we are no longer top dog on the global block.” That kind of language seems to be anathema for anyone holding high office in the US, at least publicly. But it is what Asia wants to hear.

For Australia and other US allies and partners in the region, this presidential election makes it clear that we can no longer – assuming we ever could – take coherent, smart American leadership for granted. We must do more for ourselves and work together more, while relying less on the US.

Trump will probably have more instinctive sympathy for Australia than he will for many other US allies. We are seen as paying our alliance dues, not least by having fought alongside the US in every one of its foreign wars – for better or worse – over the past century. And, as cohabitants in the Anglosphere, we are in Trump’s cultural comfort zone. But Australia will be anything but comfortable if the larger regional dynamics go off the rails.

We should have learned by now that the US, under administrations with far more prima facie credibility than Trump’s, is perfectly capable of making terrible mistakes, such as the wars in Vietnam and Iraq. We now have to be ready for American blunders as bad as, or worse than, in the past. We will have to make our own judgments about how to react to events, based on our own national interests.

This does not mean that Australia should walk away from its alliance with the US. But we will need to be more skeptical of American policies and actions than in recent decades. Australia should become much more self-consciously independent, and assign much higher priority to building closer trade and security ties with Japan, South Korea, India, and especially Indonesia, our huge near-neighbor.

No one should give ground if China overreaches, and Australia should, now more than ever, work closely with our Asian neighbors to ensure that it does not. But we must also recognize the legitimacy of China’s new great-power aspirations, and engage with it non-confrontationally. We will all benefit from a common regional-security framework based on mutual respect and reciprocity, not least when confronting regional threats such as North Korea’s nuclear chest-beating.

We can only hope that Trump will dispel our worst fears when he is in office. But in the meantime, Australian and other regional policymakers should adhere to a simple mantra: More self-reliance. More Asia. Less US.